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Book Authors Journal Authors. Buy eBook. Buy Hardcover. Buy Softcover. FAQ Policy. About this book This book provides new interdisciplinary and comparative answers as to why banking sectors in 'liberal' and 'coordinated' market economies operated under a shared set of rules during the Global Financial Crisis.
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Show all. Conclusion Pages Bakir, Caner. Show next xx. Services for this book Download High-Resolution Cover. Can Australia be regarded as a role model for monetary stability? Was it's relatively sound banking system or it's more effective structure of banking regulation partly responsible for avoiding the worst excesses of the GFC, as conservative financial analysts and journalists have tended to assume? Bakir holds the Australian banking system to be the leading example of 'what went right? Bakir asks 'why did the Australian banks, like Canadian and Japanese banks, not take on the increased risk that led to the downfall of so many well-known institutions in the US, UK and Germany?
He argues that this is not explicable in terms of a 'varieties of capitalism' VOC analysis that seeks to differentiate between liberal market economies that have capital market-based financial systems 'impatient capital' and coordinated market economies that have bank-based financial systems 'patient capital'. His preferred conceptual framework emphasises 'how interdependent and dynamic processes among structures, institutions and agents affect the nature of bank behaviour, financial system resilience and institutional outcomes' p6.
He concludes that 'the key variable affecting institutional outcomes such as prudential regulation and competition regulation is domestic political economy which still continues to shape the impact and trajectory of financial globalisation. Ashiq Ur Rahman. Published by Emerald Publishing Limited. There is an emerging consensus that climate-change adaptations that are pro-poor can be achieved from ongoing development interventions ActionAid, ; Agrawala, ; Huq et al.
Huq et al. Scholars argue that improved urban development planning and the provision of public services and safe infrastructure are crucial for both the development and promotion of resilient cities ActionAid, ; Stern, ; Tanner et al. In addition to these planned adaptation measures, governments, donors and civil society actors must consider how they can support autonomous adaptation efforts by poor urban populations. A robust social policy response is one that is rooted in an understanding of the risks the poor and extreme poor face in relation to climate change and climate vulnerability, and how to help them overcome this Heltberg et al.
This research approaches this topic from the point of view of two impoverished communities in Bangladesh. It points to social approaches to assisting poor urban communities manage both climate change and climate volatility and support them as active agents in creating resilience through different household- and community-level interventions. These programmes include programmes social funds for community-based adaptations and asset-transfer.
It identifies the processes through which the extremely poor can accumulate these assets and build resilience to the impacts of climate change. This study may offer valuable lessons for policy adaptation that is pro-poor, as this concept is not yet widely appreciated in the climate-change-policy literature. This research is set up as follows. Section 2 presents the conceptual framework of pro-poor asset adaptation and Section 3 defines the research strategy.
Adaptation to climate change at the local level is largely made up of individual choices; in an urban context, however, collective action taken at the community and municipal levels is the most appropriate response for adaptation Adger, ; Moser, ; Tanner et al. Considering this, the conceptual framework of pro-poor asset adaptation to climate change identifies the process of building micro-level household , meso-level community and macro-level municipal adaptation strategies that enable the urban extreme poor to protect themselves, or to recover from, the negative effects of the slow insidious changes in weather events whose patterns and intensity are associated with climate change.
Poor individuals or households take different physical, social, economic and political measures to reduce risks from extreme weather events, such as flooding, landslides or extreme temperatures. Assets human, financial and social available to poor households help them build their own individual adaptive practices Moser, However, the adaptive responses of the individuals or households that are counted among the urban extreme poor are mostly short-term, individual and ad hoc impact-reducing efforts to save lives or protect property.
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Urban policies and institutions, both formal and informal, often place significant limitations on the urban extreme poor in their efforts to extend their individual strategies for long-term resilience to climate change Devas, ; Huq et al. Therefore, this sector of society needs asset-based planned adaptations that are more poverty focused so as to help build both their short- and long-term resilience Heltberg et al.
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At the micro level, the household should be considered the most important unit for the accumulation and management of resources. Preventive measures such as the provision of basic services and housing improvements can save both their human capital and their financial assets from sudden erosion Devereux and Sabates-Wheeler, A combination of protective, preventive and promotive measures can enhance the resilience of households of extreme poor by developing new livelihood activities and making multiple assets available to them. Assets available to households of the extreme poor help them buy their way out of risks — for instance, by being able to buy, build or rent homes that can withstand extreme weather in locations that are less at risk from flooding.
Assets will also enable them to afford measures that help them cope with illness or injury or damage to their assets due to climate change. Given the insecurity of urban livelihoods, the asset-accumulation process is not necessarily sustainable for these households unless these new assets are also structurally protected Banks, ; Hossain and Matin, Therefore, micro-level asset-adaptation strategies need to be integrated into meso- and macro-level strategies to protect households from asset erosion and to maximize the linkages between different inter-dependent assets.
At the meso level, urban communities that exist in an informal settlement also deploy different physical e. For example, developing a drainage system that actually stops or greatly reduces flooding — especially in high-density settlements on high-risk sites with little or no drainage infrastructure and space for new infrastructure — is usually beyond the means of community organizations.
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This is not to say that it cannot be done. Community-directed slum and squatter upgrading has achieved this, but this is where support from social funds has been provided and community-driven development has occurred. Through social funds, the international community could channel external finance to small-scale community-based adaptation projects in a large number of communities of informal settlements Heltberg et al.
New livelihood activities can provide these households with the type of flexibility and wellbeing that can give them the confidence to participate in community-based risk-management strategies. This can facilitate the development of collective assets such as saving groups, peer support groups and cooperatives that can have positive influences on coping with and adapting to a wide range of stresses or shocks, including those arising from extreme weather. Human-capital-development services combined with learning-by-doing project activities can build organizational capacity into a collective entity for groups of the extreme poor.
While the extreme poor lack access to important information related to risks and risk management, their active engagement in community networks can improve their access to the information they need to manage their risks. The possibility for building resilience to climate change is much greater when community-based organizations build partnerships with local or national governments.
In many countries, there are now national federations of slum and shack dwellers that have entered into partnerships with local governments and aid organizations. These partnerships have implemented programmes to address housing, upgrade slums and make improvements to service delivery and basic infrastructure in slums. However, it is also necessary to make changes in formal urban institutions and policies macro level that aim to help poor households and communities become more proactive in building asset adaptation to promote long term resilience in the face of climate change.
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For example, the local governments in Ho Chi Minh City and Cape Town called for resettlement of communities that were situated in the most risk-prone areas, in addition to ensuring improved construction and building regulations for the construction of low-income and informal housing Baker, Of the more proactive approaches, both these municipal governments encouraged the adoption of new methods of construction that will enable communities to cope with anticipated flooding, such as elevating buildings and creating floating communities.
Social protection for vulnerable and marginalized groups e. At the macro level, institutional actors should undertake such actions as identifying adaptation options for the poor and marginalized that consider existing housing and social-sector policies that complies with the kind of asset adaptation vulnerable households and communities need.
For example, the national government should give power and resources to local governments so they can help poor households and communities obtain safe, legal land sites for housing; the urban poor should also have improved access to justice. This framework will be used to understand adaptive responses of the extreme poor to the extreme weather events that arise from climate change. It will explore how social sector programmes help the extreme poor build asset adaptation for short- and long-term resilience.
It will also identify how urban institutions and policies constrain their adaptation strategies in relation to the poor and identify the gaps in pro-poor asset adaptation for the urban extreme poor in Bangladesh Figure 1. This paper is based on a qualitative research design process. At the micro level, the empirical research consisted of case studies of settlements in Bangladesh.
Slums were selected for review for which sufficient information already existed in the literature. The settlements of Karail and Kamrangirchar were selected because of the existence of project-based interventions for households of the extreme poor in these communities, with different approaches being available for review.
In Karail, a community-based approach is being implemented that includes both poor and extreme poor households; in Kamrangirchar, extreme poor households are supported through an asset-transfer programme Figure 2. The data collection technique included interviews on the life histories of extreme poor households. Forty interviewees 20 respondents each from Karail and Kamrangirchar were selected for face-to-face life-history interviews through a technique wherein local community leaders recommended which households were the most suitable candidates for this study.
These life-history interviews were supplemented by surveys of key informants, and also focus-group discussions and the analyses of grey materials.
For a broader testing of the findings, the researcher held dialogues with representatives of public-service-delivery organizations, members from community-based organizations and the academic community, policy makers, civil society organizations and knowledgeable members of the two selected settlements. In addition, focus-group discussions were used to identify the relevant urban institutions and processes at the two settlements in the case study.
Focus-group discussions were also undertaken to validate the information. The qualitative data that were gathered from different interviews were organized under a number of themes. The researcher read through the transcripts and noted down themes as they appeared in the interviews.